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Home » The Indian Tribal / Variety » Inside The Marriage Traditions Of Odisha’s PVTGs

Inside The Marriage Traditions Of Odisha’s PVTGs

The report by Utkal University’s Centre of Excellence in Studies on Tribal and Marginalized Communities urges systematic documentation of indigenous marriage customs before rapid socio-economic change erodes their centuries-old traditions. The Indian Tribal reports. Part-2

July 24, 2026
The Indian Tribal

Newly-Wed Paudi Bhuiya Couple Performing Rituals (Pic – CoE- STMC, UU)

Bhubaneswar

Perhaps the most enchanting revelation in the study is that marriage among several PVTGs begins not with formal negotiations but with culturally sanctioned expressions of affection rooted in nature and everyday life.

Among the Juang, one such custom is Am Lesare Kania—literally, “marriage by throwing a mango”. A young man conveys his intention by tossing a ripe mango towards the woman he wishes to marry. If she accepts the gesture, it marks the beginning of the marriage process. A similar custom, Kada Lesare Kania, involves throwing a lump of mud.

Far from being frivolous acts, these rituals are socially recognised expressions of courtship, demonstrating how the natural world becomes part of indigenous communication and emotional expression.

The report records that the Juang also recognise negotiated marriages, elopements and customary forms of union, reflecting a society that accommodates multiple pathways to marriage within accepted community norms.

The Paudi Bhuiyan preserve an equally remarkable institution known as Dhuki Pasiba. Under this custom, a young woman enters the prospective groom’s house and begins participating in domestic work. If the family accepts her, the relationship gradually culminates in marriage after the customary rituals are completed.

Rather than viewing women as passive participants, the report presents this as an example of female agency exercised within customary institutions.

Marriage Was Never About Buying A Bride

One of the strongest anthropological messages emerging from the report is the need to distinguish bride price from dowry.

In public discourse, the very phrase “bride price” often evokes images of purchasing a bride. The study argues that such an interpretation misunderstands the institution.

Across the 10 PVTGs, the exchange is embedded in reciprocity rather than commerce. Rice acknowledges food security and the capacity to sustain a household. Livestock reflects productive assets essential to agrarian life. Clothes presented to mothers, maternal uncles and other relatives recognise their social responsibilities in raising the bride. Brass utensils become symbols of a new household rather than displays of wealth.

Even the modest cash payments—Rs 2.50 among the Hill Kharia, Rs 3 among the Juang, Rs 7 among the Birhor and the historically nominal Rs 5–7 among the Lodha—suggest that the monetary component is largely ceremonial. The real value lies in the participation of relatives and the public affirmation of kinship obligations.

The study repeatedly demonstrates that marriage is conceived less as an economic exchange than as the creation of enduring reciprocal relationships between two extended families and their communities.

Each Community Has Written Its Own Marriage Story

Although the institution of bride price is common, no two PVTGs practise it identically.

The Birhor (Mankidia) continue the tradition of Ganang, where four hens, two goats and fifty kilograms of rice accompany a symbolic cash payment.

The Bonda, known for preserving one of India’s oldest indigenous cultures, continue Ginning, involving cattle and cereals—an unmistakable reflection of their hill agrarian economy.

The Didayi combine rice, cash, a goat and generous quantities of sago-palm drink under Gineng or Jhola Dabu, emphasising the importance of community feasting.

The Dongria Kandha follow Modar, where not only parents but even the bride’s grandmother and fellow villagers receive customary shares. This practice illustrates that marriage extends beyond blood relatives to encompass the wider village community.

The Hill Kharia retain Pana, characterised by modest symbolic payments accompanied by rice and clothing.

Among the Kutia Kandha, Jala or Kalu Tapineru places maternal uncles alongside parents as important contributors, highlighting the enduring significance of maternal kinship.

The Lodha’s Kanya Pana demonstrates continuity amid change. Although the customary cash amount has risen from a token Rs 5–7 to around Rs 501, the accompanying goat or chicken, clothes and brass utensils continue to embody tradition rather than commercial exchange.

The Lanjia Saora, meanwhile, maintain Panshal, where both cash and gifts continue to coexist as customary offerings.

Together, these traditions reveal not one tribal marriage system but ten distinct indigenous philosophies of family formation, each shaped by ecology, economy, language and history.

Tradition Meets Transition

The report does not romanticise these customs as frozen in time. Instead, it documents societies negotiating change.

Greater exposure to education, roads, markets, welfare programmes, migration and modern communication is gradually reshaping traditional institutions. Cash payments have become more common than in earlier generations. Clothing, ornaments and household goods increasingly reflect market availability. Christian influences have altered wedding rituals in parts of the Lanjia Saora community, while interactions with mainstream society have modified ceremonial practices elsewhere.

Yet, despite these changes, the report finds that the core philosophy remains remarkably resilient.

Village elders continue to mediate disputes. Maternal relatives continue to play influential roles. Community approval remains socially important. Collective participation still defines the legitimacy of marriage in many settlements.

The study therefore portrays these institutions not as relics of the past but as living traditions adapting to changing realities while retaining their cultural foundations.

Study Team’s Broad Conclusions

The report concludes that marriage customs among Odisha’s PVTGs continue to function as important institutions for maintaining kinship organisation, social cohesion, cultural identity and community participation. While individual customs differ across tribes, they collectively reflect indigenous systems of reciprocity that have survived generations of social change. The study also recognises that these traditions are gradually evolving under the influence of education, migration, religion, markets and state-led development, making systematic documentation increasingly important.

Recommendations Emerging From The Study

The report’s broader approach points towards several priorities:

  • Indigenous marriage customs should be documented as part of Odisha’s intangible tribal cultural heritage before rapid socio-economic change erodes traditional knowledge.
  • Tribal development programmes should recognise customary institutions as living social systems rather than viewing them solely through the lens of mainstream practices.
  • Greater anthropological research and community-led documentation should be encouraged to preserve tribal languages, customary laws and kinship institutions alongside improvements in health, education and livelihoods.
  • Policy interventions should respect cultural diversity while ensuring that customary practices continue to uphold dignity, consent and gender equity.

(Concluded)

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In Numbers

49.4 %
Female Literacy rate of Scheduled Tribes

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